BUSINESS LETTER FORMAT for your Patent Letter.

MONROE DOCTRINE

The policy that became known as the Monroe Doctrine was announced in a message to Congress by James Monroe on December 2, 1823. The doctrine, drafted by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, clearly expresses the goals of U.S. foreign policy in the Americas. It has been reinterpreted many times, remaining a cornerstone of American foreign relations.

At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal had been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers...

It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to the all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.

The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Span and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course....

After reading the text of the Monroe Doctrine and also the information in your textbook, answer the following questions.

1. What two countries does Monroe say he has been working with in the first paragraph?
2. What two countries does Monroe discuss in the second paragraph?
3. Restate the last sentence of the first paragraph in your own words. What is the basic purpose of the Monroe Doctrine as stated here?
4. What type of action does Monroe say is "dangerous to our peace and safety" in the second paragraph?
5. With what European colonies in America does Monroe pledge not to interfere?
6. In your own words, describe Monroe's policy toward Europe as described in the third paragraph.
7. What series of events in Europe from 1789 to 1815 are described in this document as "the wars which have so long agitated that corner of the globe...."?

THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION

From class discussion and information in your text, complete the following:

A. The Industrial Revolution took place in the world from - 1850. In the United States

it began in .

The Industrial Revolution marked an economic shift from to .

What are the six major characteristics of the Industrial Revolution?

The factory system began in ?????, where they tried to keep control of the new technology by ?????.
B. Identify the following individuals and explain the significance of their contributions:
Samuel Slater
Francis Cabot Lowell
Eli Whitney

C. Define the following terms and explain their significance:
Industrial Revolution
Corporation
"Waltham" or "Lowell" labor system
"Interchangeable Parts" or "Uniformity System"
Mass Production
"wage" slavery
D. Give concise, but complete, answers for the following questions:
1. How did the Industrial Revolution bring about a national economy and national standard of living?
2. What disadvantages can you see to the country from this new economy and standard of living? Do the benefits outweigh these disadvantages?

CHECKING CONSISTENCY:
A YOUNG WOMAN WORKS IN A FACTORY IN 1845

In this worksheet, you will decide whether the statements below are consistent with the information provided in the text, in Lyddie, and in the following firsthand testimony. After you have read this testimony, which was given to a committee of the Massachusetts legislature in 1845, find evidence from one or more of these three sources helps you agree or disagree with each statement below. Indicate agree or disagree and explain what evidence you have for your choice.

First to testify was Eliza R. Hemingway. She had worked 2 years and 9 months in the Lowell Factories; 2 years in the Middlesex, and 9 months in the Hamilton Corporations. Her employment is weaving -- works by the piece.... She is now at work in the Middlesex Mills, and attends one loom. Her wages average from 416 to $23 a month exclusive of board. She complained of the hours for labor being too many, and the time for meals too limited. In the summer season, the work is commenced at 5 o'clock, A.M., and continued until 7 o'clock, P.M., with half an hour for breakfast and three quarters of an hour for dinner. During eight months of the year, but half an hour is allowed for dinner. The air in the room she considered not to be wholesome. There were 293 small lamps and 61 large lamps lighted in the room in which she worked, when the evening work is required. These lamps are also lighted sometimes in the morning. About 130 females, 11 men, and 12 children (between the ages of 11 and 14) work in the same room with her.... She thought there was a general desire among the females to work but ten hours, regardless of pay.

1. Some factory workers were paid according to how much they produced.
2. The length of the work day varied according to the amount of daylight.
3. Fortunately, workers had ample time in which to eat meals.
4. In cold weather, ventilation within the factory was a problem, especially because the lamps consumed much of the oxygen in the air.
5. Children were employed in the factories.
6. Women factory workers would have been pleased with a ten-hour day.
7. It was generally believed that women would not be permanent workers in the factories because within a few years most would leave to marry and raise a family.
8. Northern workers enjoyed being free and yet having security in their jobs.
9. American factory workers, although specialized, had to serve an apprenticeship of several years to learn how to use their machines.
10. American factory towns were generally cleaner than those in England.

CALHOUN ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS

The War of 1812 contributed to a growing sense of pride in America. As nationalism grew stronger, some Congressmen lobbied for a program of internal improvements to speed economic growth. One of them, John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, would later become a major opponent of such federal programs and an advocate of states’ rights. The excerpts below come from a speech Calhoun made to the House of Representatives in 1817. Read the selection and answer the questions that follow.

At peace with all the world, abounding in peculiar means, and ... [with] party and sectional feelings merged in a liberal and enlightened regard to the general concerns of the nations -- such are the favorable circumstances under which we are now deliberating. Thus situated, to what can we direct our resources and attention more important than internal improvements? What can add more to the wealth, the strength, and the political prosperity of out country? It gives to the interior the advantages possessed by the parts most eligibly situated for trade.... If we look into the nature of wealth, we will find that nothing can be more favorable to its growth than good roads and canals....
Many of the improvements contemplated are on too great a scale for the resources of the States or individuals.... They require the resources and the general superintendence of this Government to effect and complete them.
But there are higher and more powerful considerations why Congress ought to take charge of this subject.... In one respect and, in my opinion, in one only, are we materially weak. We occupy a surface prodigiously great in proportion to our numbers. The common strength is brought to bear with great difficulty on the point that may be menaced by an enemy.... Good roads and canals judiciously laid out, are the proper remedy....
On this subject of national power, what can be more important than a perfect unity in every part, in feelings and sentiments? And what can tend more powerfully to product it, than overcoming the effects of distance?... We are under the most imperious obligation to counteract every tendency to disunion....
Let us then bind the Republic together with a perfect system of roads and canals. Let us conquer space. It is thus the most distant parts of the Republic will be brought within a few days travel of the center; it is thus that a citizen of the West will read the news of Boston still moist from the press. The mail and the press are the nerves of the body politic.

VOCABULARY -- Use a dictionary to find the meaning of the following terms as used in Calhoun’s speech:
pecuniary
superintendence
eligibly
prodigiously
judiciously
imperious
COMPREHENSION -- Answer the following questions with complete responses.
1. Why does Calhoun say the nation is able to fulfill its attention to internal improvement?
2. What does Calhoun mean by internal improvement?
3. Calhoun says that internal improvements can add to “the wealth, the strength, and the political prosperity” of the nation? What examples does he give of each?
4. Why does Calhoun think that states and individuals will be unable to undertake many improvements?
5. What are the “nerves” of the body politic?
CRITICAL THINKING -- Answer the following questions with complete responses.
6. Explain why, to Calhoun, the size of the United States makes internal improvements essential.
7. Explain how the expansion of commercial trade routes might knit together people in different regions of the country.
8. Can you suggest reasons for Calhoun’s concern about binding the nation together and counteracting “every tendency for disunion”?
9. What are the “nerves” of the body politic today? Give specific examples to support your answer.

ON THE MOVE:
Tying the Country Together

As the country, business, and industry grew, so did the need for tying this vast country together. Three major methods were used to improve transportation during the early 1800s.
Building Roads
1. Define turnpike and how it was used in the early days of our country.
2. Describe the Lancaster Turnpike.
3. What was the National Road or Cumberland Road?
4. Identify three typical road surfaces used through the early 1800s. Describe the advantages and disadvantages of each.

Steamboats
1. Who was John Fitch?
2. Who was Robert Fulton?
3. What was the Clermont?
4. Describe the progress of steamboat travel along with the advantages and disadvantages.
Canals
1. What was Governor DeWitt Clinton’s decision that was ridiculed by most people?
2. What were the actual effects of the Erie Canal?
3. Explain and/or detail the canal building boom.
4. What marked the demise of the canal building craze?

National Unity and a World Role

1. What was the Era of Good Feelings?

2. Three ambitious young men took center stage in Congress. Describe each, including where they were from and their political beliefs.
John C. Calhoun
Daniel Webster
Henry Clay

3. What was the problem with foreign competition after the War of 1812 and how did Congress respond to this problem?

4. What was the American System?

5. How did the United States gain access to Spanish Florida?

6. The Monroe Doctrine was the most significant legacy of James Monroe’s Presidency. Who wrote it, what was its purpose, what did it promise the United States would do?